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The Ideological Poverty of the
Peacemakers
If the activity of any contemporary
peacemaking organization is analyzed carefully, the low
efficiency of its efforts both from a political and from
a military point of view is evident immediately. While the
leaders of the religious or ethnic enclaves who are at
odds with each other, fully armed with the mythological
history of the origin of their nations, fervently call
for revenge for spilled blood, brilliantly using and
advocating a nationalistic ideology, for today's
peacemaker there is little to oppose it.
Any NATO or UN forces that perform such a
function are obliged to consider sovereignty as a
supreme value and non-interference in internal affairs
as a condition that goes without saying of their
activity. Therefore, the
political efforts of the numerous intermediaries at
peace talks in fact do not have brilliant and convincing
arguments in even one conflict: they are the bearers of
that very same ethnically oriented ideology. All the
appeals of modern peacemakers are similar to the
inarticulate muttering about "non-usage" or "arguments
at the negotiating table."
It gets ridiculous. The Hague
Court in trying
Milosevic ended up being a most complex political farce
when the ideologically helpless court, deprived of any
kind of clear-cut criteria for the assessment of the
crime of nationalism, was forced feverishly to seek out
the difficult to demonstrate the facts regarding excess
of power and genocide.
A
supranational ideology proposes another approach.
Evaluating any conflict situation in the world, we
should examine the peacemaking role as the prevention of
the violence of religious and ethnic forces over the
supranational population. At the same
time, the interests of the supra-nationalists should be
placed higher than any national values - sovereignty,
independence, traditions, religions, and so on. Notice
that the religiously ethnic nuts of both sides instantly
will be found on one side of the barricade, and the
normal people -- on the other. And we will know
precisely who is who. We will have a precise weapon -
HOW to establish peace, and we will have the correct
ethical evaluation standards of what is taking
place.
The question may arise, what kinds of people are
supranational?
For example, children. A child, still having not
been fed the history myth lie, cannot determine "friend"
and "foe." He can in no way declare his faith and
identification. It makes no sense for him to hate
someone. He is not stained by
nationalism.
Any society consists of an overwhelming
percentage of people, who value peace and life higher
than religious and ethnic values or names. Such people
can keep their own [feelings] to themselves, not playing
up their own inner reference points. Such people can
compromise, they can come together. They of their own
essence are supra-nationals, and we should support them
in particular.
Let's look at, for example, the
Israeli-Palestinian conflict, using new approaches. The
positions of the confrontation's participants are easily
and clearly defined, according to the new criterion of
"bad" and "good." Sharon and Arafat are typical leaders
of a religious and ethnic ideology. It is difficult to
say what harms the peace process more, Arafat's
religious terrorist activity or
Sharon's religious
power policy, but one thing is clear - they think
exclusively within a narrowly nationalistic framework,
placing their local values above all the rest. In this
way, they, and essentially, their power apparatus, daily
place the life not only of their followers in danger,
but also of those people who in no way are to blame, and
who are outside the politics and ideology, people of the
supranational.
The following facts strike one in the analysis of
the Middle Eastern conflict
- an incredible
surge of politicized monies for both sides. In particular,
this money supports the swollen religious and political
apparatus of the war's participants, feeding the
conflict. Our peacemaking
proposal: immediately cease any monetary aid to
Israel and
Palestine. Neither
Arafat nor Sharon should receive anything while the
conflict is at a violent
stage.
- The deep
participation of religious forces in the state apparatus
of both sides.
The church in
Israel - the
Rabanut is not separate from the state, and at the same
time there exist the many devices of the military rabbis
with an extensive network of corresponding propaganda.
The Rabanut's budget is equal to the expenses for the
country's defense, and its activity is extremely
reactionary.
In Palestine, all of the
military groups have a religious and feudal
organization, with a strikingly territorial feature and
in fact without a unified center. A large part of these
groups' income arrives from abroad, part is stripped
from the local business under the religious notion of
the struggle, and part is obtained by criminal business,
in addition to the justification of the religious
stuffing.
Our
peacemaking proposal:
In Israel: strive for
the separation of the Rabanut from the state and the
bringing about of the country's laws, if nothing else,
to correspond with the standards of a multinational
state, where every nation or religion is
equitable.
In
Palestine: strive for the
disarmament of the armed gang formations and the
separation of the state structures which are springing
up from any religious
slant.
As is seen from this example, peacemaking
activity, supported by a base of ideas, can be much more
forceful and concrete than the existing futile movements
between nationalistic politicians, who per se in no way
want to give in for the sake of peace.
The
murder of a real peacemaker, Israeli Prime-Minister
Yitzhak Rabin, several years ago plainly showed the true
aim of the opposition, when his death was welcomed
openly by the religious fanatics of both sides. We must
say clearly how we assess such activity. We have to
build or attract a power apparatus that would be afraid
of the nationalist of all stripes. Even the simple
existence of political and military force which defends
the non-ideological majority and unambiguously assesses
ethno-religious fanaticism can significantly restrain
the ardor of the pro-national politicians and lead to a
decrease of the tension of local
conflicts.
Life compels the power formations of developed
countries to be moved de-facto in this direction - for
example, NATO. Uniting only developed countries, ready
for unity, and being a military organization, NATO
introduces an element of stability in the modern world.
In particular therefore, the peacemaker role of this
alliance is significantly greater than the United
Nations, where the diversity of interests of the
countries is huge, which makes this form of union
useless, although NATO also has serious problems.
Composed in accordance with a nation-state principle,
this union cannot function normally because of the
pressure and priority of national interests over
supranational.
The emergence of NATO from obedience to states
and the creation of NATO by election, or of a similar
structure, on other principles is the keenest need of
the present.
A
global function, entrusted to NATO, cannot be
accomplished well in the existing mosaic state structure
of this union's organization. NATO's power should grow
and exceed considerably the power of any individual
country.
Our
peace-making proposal:
Struggle for the earliest reorganization of
NATO's functions "for countries" into a function "over
countries," toward which matters in principle also are
going gradually. This will lead to
a violent formation of supranational interests. This
will lead to unification.
In conclusion, there remains only to add
that everything listed is not so difficult to do as it
seems. It is difficult to imagine a tall building while
looking at a vacant lot, but this doesn't mean that it
is impossible to build one. One needs just to believe
that we will do it. One has to escape from ideological
poverty.
Vlad Melamed,
2002
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